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As for Cromwell, this may be the visage of a ruthless bureaucrat, but it is the look of a man who has learned the hard way that books must be balanced, accounts settled, and zeal held firmly in check. By the end of the contest, there will be the beginnings of a serious country called England, which can debate temporal and spiritual affairs in its own language and which will vanquish Spain and give birth to Shakespeare and Marlowe and Milton.
Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support my work. Hitchens was a brilliant critic, but I think his review misses some of the tragedy that underpins this political rise, both of Cromwell and of post-Reformation, imperial England, even in the first Wolf Hall book. The tragedy is not simply that clerical history and Robert Bolt intervened to demonize Cromwell; the tragedy is a deeper one, and one which Machiavelli helps me understand better.
The prince of The Prince seems to me not someone to emulate or fear or love or any of the other possibilities that people usually identify with the book. Instead, he looks to me to be a kind of sacrificial victim. Machiavelli sells potential princes on the job through advertising the glory of Alexanders and Caesars, while failing to mention the bloody and short lives that these men tend to lead.
He reads his Plutarch and sleeps with the life of Alexander under his pillow; bemoaning, as Plutarch says Julius Caesar bemoaned, that he has reached the advanced age of 21 without conquering the world yet. This kind of man has been a political problem since The Iliad. What do you do with Julius Caesar?
My reading of Machiavelli is that he offers a solution: tempt this man with glory to get him to create the empire that is safe for human life. Most scholars of Machiavelli agree that the final chapter of The Prince , in which Machiavelli calls in extraordinary, patriotic terms for a prince with the virtu to unite the Italian peninsula under one empire, is highly significant to understanding the general project:.