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T he most feared man in German politics cleared his throat and took a sip of water as his audience hushed in anticipation, their mobile phones aloft and set to record. The crowd went wild. Depending on who you ask, it would be a political earthquake, a catastrophe or a wake-up call for the country. Brandenburg, the largely rural state surrounding Berlin, will hold its election on 22 September.
It is the performance of his state that will be watched most closely in Germany, which has long prided itself on consensus-oriented politics and having learned the lessons of the Nazi past, when the results trickle in on election night.
On a small square framed by communist-era housing blocks, about people appeared rapt as he railed against the government in Berlin and the justice authorities who had repeatedly filed charges against him for incitement.
They can do what they want as long as they integrate, behave themselves and pay their own way. The system was specifically designed in the postwar period to make it difficult for an extremist fringe to gain power. The traditional parties have proved incapable of winning back a swath of voters, particularly in the east, where they have gone from considering the AfD a protest party to giving its increasingly radical stances their full allegiance in election after election.
Meanwhile the BSW party, whose firebrand leader Wagenknecht is, like the AfD, highly critical of migration, Nato, the US and aid to Ukraine, is polling in the double digits in all three states. Mathematically, it is possible that the BSW will be an essential component in the ruling coalitions of all three states, however ideologically awkward. In the elections for the European parliament in June it stole voters from across the party spectrum.